Unable to govern, North African governments are using repression as their only tool in their toolbox

Posted On 21 January 2021

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This week (ending 21 January 2021), Tunisia made the front pages of global media with Tunisians clashing with security forces over the past days to complain about their living conditions. The riots, which are still underway, have been taking place in several regions, concentrating largely on disadvantaged areas and neighborhoods. In Morocco, the detention of thousands of suspects awaiting trial is clear evidence of a regime that has no interest in upholding its human rights obligations. In Algeria, the situation is even worse as the regime continues to harass activists, opposition politicians and Hirak militants. Egypt is probably the worst human rights offender in the North Africa region. This week marks the anniversary of the demonstrations in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, which broke out on 25 January 2011, and which toppled another Arab tyrant Hosni Mubarak. This is a podcast by Arezki Daoud of MEA Risk LLC and Editor of The North Africa Journal.

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Today is the 21st of January 2021, and we are looking at how governments in northern Africa are left with only repressive measures as they are unable to govern. This week, Tunisia made the front pages of global media with Tunisians clashing with security forces over the past days to complain about their living conditions. The riots, which are still underway, have been taking place in several regions, concentrating largely on disadvantaged areas and neighborhoods. The reasons behind the riots are numerous, obviously starting with a broken economy that is unable to provide basic means of livelihood for millions of Tunisians, all the while, the country’s political system is clearly broken. Most of the disgruntled people have no representation in government. This situation forced recently appointed Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi to recognize the “legitimate” anger of the population in a televised speech on Tuesday, 19 January 2021. But rather than providing an idea or roadmap on how to respond to the grievance, Mechichi threatened to use force to stop the protesters. And so he did. In all, the police have arrested at least 1,000 people, a figure reported by human rights organizations that are tracking the events In Tunisia. AFP says Wednesday night was relatively calm compared with previous evenings, but there was still unrest in the central region of Sidi Bouzid. More alarmingly are the reports of arrests of people who posted their views and opinions in support of the protesters on social media sites. And AFP says, “at least one of them now faces six years in prison if convicted.” The easing of tension on Wednesday did not last as unrest resumed today Thursday, including in the central town of Sbeitla, where clashes broke out following rumors that a young man had died of injuries he had sustained when he was earlier hit by a tear gas canister. Government abuse is a big theme of this week’s issue. In Morocco, the detention of thousands of suspects awaiting trial is clear evidence of a regime that has no interest in upholding its human rights obligations. Preventative and pre-trial detention has been used as clever tool of judicial harassment against political opponents and members of the Hirak movement, including independent journalists. But the use of such practice fools no one, everyone knows the aim of it is to inflict maximum damage to anyone who dares say something different than the regime. Of the 33,000 people in Moroccan prison population in 2019, as many as 39% have not yet been convicted of any crime and are held in prisons awaiting trials or verdicts. This year, the situation has likely worsened amplified by the Covid-19 crisis. Now these figures did not come from an obscure human rights organization, it came from a report written by the King’s chief prosecutor, highlighting the nasty practice of rounding people by militant judges and keeping them in prison without any respect to basic rights. In Algeria, the situation is even worse as the regime continues to harass activists, opposition politicians and Hirak militants. This week in Mostaganem, a physics teacher and spokeswoman representing the unemployed, Dalila Touat was sentenced to 18 months in prison, convicted on the bogus charges of contempt of officials and state institutions, libel, publishing posts undermining public order, and calling for the boycott of the 1 November 2020 referendum. In Bordj Bou Arreridj, a court rejected Hirak activist Brahim Laalami’s request for freedom. He was re-arrested on 8 September 2020 after serving a two-month sentence, along with his three brothers and a friend for charges similar to Dalila Touat. In Algiers, Journalist Mustapha Bendjama was sentenced to two months suspended prison and a fine of DZD 20,000. He was also convicted of publishing posts that may harm national interest. Also in Algiers, a court rejected the request on appeal for the release of political detainee Rachid Nekkaz. Nekkaz has been in detention for more than a year, held without trial. He was taken into custody on 4 December 2019, for again the same fake charges of “inciting unarmed assembly” and “publications that may undermine national unity”, among other charges. Egypt is probably the worst human rights offender in the North Africa region. This week marks the anniversary of the demonstrations in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, which broke out on 25 January 2011, and which toppled another Arab tyrant Hosni Mubarak. After a Muslim Brotherhood figure was picked to govern the country, the military, headed by the ruthless General Abdelfetah El-Sisi, stepped in to expel Mohamed Morsi and to inject a reign of terror on the Egyptian people. And intense crackdown did not just affect the Muslim Brotherhood, but expanded into the broader civil society, including aggressions and arrests of secular opponents, journalists, lawyers, artists, intellectuals, gays, TikTok users and essentially everyone else. Human rights abuse in Egypt is everywhere. Amnesty International deplored a “frenzy” of executions in Egypt, after it made amendments to the constitution giving unlimited power to Sisi and his generals. Just like Morocco and Algeria using judicial harassment to neutralize independent thinking, Egypt perfected the practice, by calling anyone that Sisi does not like a “terrorist” or a person who is “disseminating fake news.” Such offences carry long prison sentences and even death penalty. The Sahel is also facing an unprecedented rise of human rights abuses. Mali remains embroiled in a multi-faceted conflict that it cannot control. France is on the driving seat there and appears also unable to secure the country. Just this week, the French military announced that it killed “around” 15 jihadists near Mali’s border with Burkina Faso. It said those killed belonged to al-Qaeda. Despite the apparent French offensive, the insurgents have not been neutralized and continue to wreak havoc in the region. since late December, improvised explosive devices (IEDs) have killed five French troops and four Ivorian soldiers with the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali. The reputation of the French military has been at its lowest and continues to fall because the people of Mali say they are fed up with their presence. Earlier this month, the French military was accused by villagers in Bounti of being behind the killing of 20 people in a wedding party. The witnesses say they saw a military helicopter launch a strike against the civilians, which the French military denies. But even assuming we should trust the French military report on this, the presence of French and other European troops is simply amplifying the crisis in Mali and broadly in the Sahel. So much so that hundreds of people took to the streets of the Malian capital Bamako this week to rally against the French military presence in the country. The protesters were met with a violent police and military response, who fired teargas to repress the protests on Wednesday. As we begin the year 2021, it is difficult to see an immediate ray of hope for the region, dominated with growing repression, major divisions among countries, more foreign meddling, collapsing economies and a pandemic that appears solidly settled. The promises made by the region’s governments to roll out a vaccine appear to be just a pie in the sky. For the moment, North Africa’s vaccine partners, in particular Russia and China, appear nowhere ready to help Algiers, Rabat and others to fulfill their promises to their populations that a vaccine campaign will start this month of January. There is a lot going on in the North Africa and the Sahel regions. If you are not a subscriber, we offer a weekly email newsletter, an instant notification service for curated ongoing events, and access to some limited content. Just visit North-Africa.com/newsletters to sign up to one or more of our services. We will be thrilled to have you on board. Thank you for listening, until our next episode, goodbye.
Other Articles in this Week's Issue<< Tunisia: Rights groups decry mass arrests in TunisiaSahel: Armed confrontations escalate in Niger and Mali >>
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Written by Arezki Daoud

Arezki Daoud is The North Africa Journal Editor and MEA Risk LLC’s Chief Executive and Lead Analyst. At the North Africa Journal Arezki oversees content development and sets the editorial policies and guidelines. Arezki is an expert on African affairs, with primary focus on the Maghreb, Sahel and Egypt. His coverage of the region spans from security and defense to industrial and economic issues. His expertise includes the energy sector and doing business in the region. At MEA Risk, Arezki oversees all aspects of the company’s development, from the research agenda to growth strategy and day-to-day business activity. Arezki brings a wealth of skills. After college, he worked for oil company Sonatrach's Naftal unit, then held research, forecasting and consulting positions for the likes of Harvard University, IDG and IDC. Arezki can be reached at daoud@north-africa.com, at US+508-981-6937 or via Skype at arezki.daoud

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