Sahel Edition

While the Sahel Faces Worsening Security Climate, Juntas Leverage Regional Integration to Consolidate Power

Posted On 11 December 2024

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The demise of the Bachar Al-Assad regime in Syria is giving the Sahelian juntas of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso second thoughts on how much they can count on Russia to protect them. Moscow has been telling them that it is there for the long run and that they can count on it. In fact, in late November 2024, a Russian delegation led by Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak went to Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, to seek a deepening engagement of Russia with the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). The tour was meant to signal that Russia sees the region as a strategic interest, even if Bachar Al-Assad was eventually to be toppled in the days that followed that trip.

For the Sahelian juntas, it is all about survival, and they believe regional integration could boost their cooperation, including in the areas of security, protection and defense. Although many areas of their integration efforts are meant to solidify and protect the juntas, other areas make sense and should be encouraged and strengthened. For example, the member states of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) have recently focused on telecommunication and identity documentation, as part of a broader effort to enhance connectivity and mobility within the newly formed confederation, which has about 72 million people.

Last month, officials from telecom regulators of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso signed a protocol to abolish roaming charges for phone calls and SMS within the AES region. While we may not like the juntas, this agreement removes the financial burden of roaming fees and will facilitate communication across borders, and that is good. This initiative is an extension of a boarder West Africa initiative to establish a “free roaming” zone, involving the nations of Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal, Guinea, Benin, and Togo, which are part of this broader framework.

The AES Sahelian states are also pursuing the harmonization of travel and identity documents, with the stated purpose of promoting the free movement of people and goods across their borders. But that would also enable greater scrutiny and control of people’s movements, which could be used as a tool by the juntas to track opposition figures. This initiative is spearheaded by the ministers of security instead of other more civilian-like administrations. Last month, ministers of security from Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso also met in Bamako to finalize the specifications for unified passports and national identity cards.

These integration efforts come against the backdrop of continuously shifting geopolitical events, starting with the military-led governments of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso severely degrading the French and Western presence in the region, then distancing themselves from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), then leaning on Russia to protect them. Their stance against their West African neighbors has led to growing tension, with AES juntas alleging that ECOWAS prioritized the interest of Western powers, leading to more tensions with neighboring countries like Côte d’Ivoire and Benin, which the AES states accusing them of undermining their stability.

Initiatives Not Meant to Help the Sahelian People

While regional integration should be welcomed, it is evident that the Sahelian juntas’ priorities are to secure their own existence by imposing controls publicly promoted as regional integration initiatives. But the junta leaders have no intention of improving their human rights records. Case in point, the Burkina Faso junta is considering reinstating the death penalty as part of a revision to its Penal Code, marking a departure from the moratorium the country established in 2007, when Roch Marc Christian Kaboré abolished the death penalty. A reinstatement of the death penalty in Burkina Fase certainly has its supporters, who argue that it could deter terrorism. But opponents say the death penalty would be ineffective in preventing terrorism or severe crimes. The initiative is taking place at the time when the military junta has been citing high treason as a potential use case.

In neighboring Mali, attacks against the opposition continue, with the latest on this being the arrest of political figure Issa Kaou N’Djim. N’Djim is accused of making offensive statements about the military leadership of another AES country, neighboring Burkina Faso, during a televised interview. The arrest came after Burkina Faso’s media authority issued an official complaint. A former supporter of Mali junta chief Colonel Assimi Goita, N’Djim has been advocating for a return to civilian-led government. In 2021, N’Djim was convicted for “damaging the reputation of the state.”

While the Sahelian juntas focus their attention on suppression of dissent, the region’s real security problems have been escalating. Various regions have been experiencing increased attacks from the Jihadists, including in northeastern Burkina Faso, where residents of Sebba and Solhan in the Yagha province have been calling for immediate support because their towns have been under jihadist blockade. The last food supply convoy arrived in the region more than six months ago and now local residents are reporting severe shortages of food, water, and medicines.

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